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2012년 8월 8일 수요일

Koreans in Australia – An Overview

Koreans in Australia – An Overview

Myong Duk Yang



1. Introduction
It is never easy to determine when members of a particular culture first migrate from one part of the world to another. In the case of the Korean community in Australia, there has been fierce, yet creative discussion as to when exactly Koreans began to migrate to Australia and to settle in this land. Not only the question of time but also the question of what appropriate perspective(s) should be adopted in writing the history of such a group has been a subject of debate among the interested scholars and leaders.
In March 2008, a book titled 50 Year History of Koreans in Australia has finally been published and launched in Sydney, and this volume is the first of its kind ever published by the Korean community in Australia in their mother tongue. The following summary largely comes from an English article in the book ’50 Year History of Koreans in Australia’ except the Korean identity part at the end.
2. 1880s: The Australian Missionaries in Korea
Since the first Australian missionary, Rev Joseph H. Davies and his sister, Mary Davies, from the Presbyterian Church of Victoria arrived in Korea in 1889, many mission workers from Australia have sacrificed their lives to share the love of God with people in Korea. For period of even up to forty years, more than 100 Australian missionaries have worked in schools, hospitals and churches especially in the south-eastern part of the Korean Peninsula. Some died and were buried there, some established schools and hospitals for the poor, some trained leaders, some were imprisoned and expelled for their human rights involvement, and some sent Koreans to Australia for further education and training. It is not an exaggeration to say that those Christian workers who worked in Korea were the most faithful and able leaders in the church (Brown, 130). This church relationship is continuing until today.
Not only the work in Korea itself but also the support and relationships they continue to have with Korean-Australians on their return to Australia has been significant in bridge building, with their bi-lingual and bi-cultural skills.

One other Australian person who visited Korea is worthwhile to mention here. George Rose who was a photographer who went to Korea in 1904 on the way to his mission for the Russia and Japan War. He took some photos of the Korean landscape and people in four cities and villages which are a valuable record of that time (Australian Embassy in Korea).
3. 1910s – 1940s: The First Visitors
The first Korean visitors to Australia on record came from America in 1915 and 1916 for finding business opportunities. However, more significant visitor in 1920 was a political leader Kyu Sik Kim who visited the Prime Minister William Hughes asking a support for the independence of Korea from Japanese colonization.

Ho Yeol Kim who was a teacher at Chang Shin School which was established by the Australian Mission. The Assembly of the Victorian Presbyterian Church decided at their Assembly Meeting to support inviting and sponsoring him (Minutes of the General Assembly, Presbyterian Church of Victoria, 1921). He arrived in Australia in September 1921 through Thursday Island and after some English study, Kim studied at Melbourne University for a couple of years. Unfortunately, he became ill and returned to Korea. He died shortly after. 

In 1924, there is record of correspondence between the Customs Office in Queensland and the Home and Territories Department in Melbourne regarding the employment of Korean workers in the pearl industry on Thursday Island (Letter of 4/8/1924, National Archives in Canberra). However, there are no further records available as to whether any Koreans were eventually invited to the far northern part of Queensland.
In 1926, Chang Ho Ahn, a political leader resided in America visited Australia on the way to China and Hanna Yang arrived in Melbourne with the Australian missionary Amy Skinner. Yang studied management of childcare and later returned to Korea. In 1934, Rev Moon Tae Shim came to Australia to carry out research on Sunday Schools and returned to Korea. In 1935, a medical doctor Chun Cheol Lee and then in 1937, medical nurses Ok Soon Hong and Young Bok Lee studied and those two nurses played an important part in Korean medical society when they returned.
Rev Yak Shin Lee visited in 1937 for the Centennial Celebration of Presbyterian Church in Australia. He visited various organizations to give a speech on the church situations and on the impact of Japanese colonization in Korea. Mr Lee’s visit triggered more visitors from Korea to continue the relationship.
4. 1940s – The Korean Prisoners of War

Of much importance was the effect of the war. During the Second World War, the Japanese Army forcefully conscripted Koreans and they fought against Australian soldiers in the southern part of Asia. From the early 1940s, about 162 Koreans were brought to Australia as prisoners-of-war and lived in a camp in Cowra. Some aspects of life in the prison camp have been written by an Australian writer H. Gordon, Die Like the Carp in 1978 and Voyage from Shame in 1994. There is one grave in Cowra named In Dae Lee who is known as a Korean person but not known how he died.

After the war, in 1945 those Koreans were repatriated to Korea. At the time of repatriation, it created a huge public outrage since the ship ‘Yoizuki’ was very crowded with Taiwanese and Japanese as well and there were fears for the safety of women and children on board. Australian newspapers called the ship ‘Hell Ship’ and later some of them left the ship at Rabaul, Papua New Guinea (Daily Mirror, 12/3/1946).
In 1947, the Australian Government sent a diplomatic official to the United Nations office in Korea, and supported the decision of the UN to recognize the Republic of Korea (South Korea). On 15 August, 1949 the Australian Government publicly recognized her as a sovereign nation.
5. 1950s – The Korean War and the First Citizen
The critical factor here was the presence of the Australian military in an overseas theatre of war. In her writing on Long Slow Death of White Australia, Gwenda Tavan has documented how, in the wake of World War II, Australian soldiers and peacekeepers had married Japanese brides. There had been a considerable debate in the Australian government and the public whether these brides should be given admission into Australia or not. In 1952, the entry of non-European war brides was finally allowed, under temporary certificates of exemption. Tavan argues that their presence represented an important challenge to the White Australia Policy (Tavan: 2005, 76). The Australian involvement in the Korean War (1950-1953) initiated a similar practice, in addition to which a number of orphans were also adopted and allowed to settle. This was the first wave of immigration from Korea according to the website of the Australian Government (Department of Immigration and Multicultural and Indigenous Affairs, 2005).  
This emphasis on the role of the Korean War is also affirmed by James Coughlan. He argues that “the post-Korean war immigration of several hundred Korean orphans marked the first wave of Korean immigration into Australia” (Coughlan: 1997, 174).
However, this seems to be an argument without evidence. In spite of various attempts at the different level to find official documentation, there is no factual evidence that ‘several hundred orphans’ came to Australia. It is unlikely that such large numbers of orphans or war brides would be allowed to enter under the climate of Australian society at that time. In Wollongong, there is a woman, Mrs. Harley, who is known to have come to Australia in 1956 and married an Australian soldier who fought at the Korean War (Han, NR, ‘Wollongong’, 2008). However, the details of the background are not available to the date.
The first Korean who was naturalized appears in the Australian Year Book in 1958 and that seems to be the only official record available. The person may well be a war bride or orphan, but even to date the person’s identity has been unknown. Since then, the Australian Year Book shows that several other Koreans became naturalized; 1957-1958 – one each, 1962 -1966 – one each, 1967 – two person, 1968 – seven person (Australian Year Book, Commonwealth Bureau of Census and Statistics, Canberra).
The diplomatic relationship between the two countries became strong due to the Korean War against the communists and a cabinet minister, Jos Francis of the Australian Government, visited Korea to encourage the Australian soldiers on Christmas of 1951. In 1953, the Korean Consulate was established in Sydney but the official diplomatic relationship only came in 31 October, 1961 and the Korean Consulate became an Embassy and moved to Canberra. The Australian Embassy came into being three months later and opened in Seoul, Korea.
6. 1960s – The Growing of Korean Community in Sydney
Following the end of World War II, the White Australia Policy, initiated at the time of Federation was gradually modified. The Australian Government began to allow some Asians on temporary permits and students from non-European countries on scholarships or fee paying, to continue technical and tertiary training. The program was seen as having both economic and diplomatic benefits to Australia. The Colombo Plan intended to achieve such a purpose and through the program some students found a way of remaining in Australia.
The most well known Korean who settled in Australia through the program is
Don’O Kim who later became a writer. Kim has written a number of novels such as My Name is Tian, Password, and The Chinaman. His works were all written in English and he has received the Australian Writer’s Emeritus Award in 2003.
A few years later in 1968, the Korean Society of Sydney was established as an official organization among Korean people and it began to play a vital role in the community and beyond. In the other states as well, similar societies were formed – Brisbane, Queensland in 1966, Melbourne in 1972, Perth in 1977 and Canberra in 1979.
Although the White Australia Policy was still in place, some Koreans continued to enter and live in Australia. According to the Immigration Department of Australia, there were 468 Korean born in 1971. Young Kil Choi, who was introduced by the Sydney Morning Herald on 21 June, 1968 as the first Korean immigrant family in this land and who played a significant part in the Korean society later, witnessed that there were about 40-50 families (150-200 persons) who came to Australia between 1968-1971 (Cho, 14). If these numbers are correct, about 300 Koreans lived in Australia prior to 1968.
7. 1970s – The Change of Government Policy and the Amnesty
Once more the means by which this generation of Koreans came to Australia is shaped by world events and shifts in federal policy. The decisive political act was the decision of the Labor administration led by Gough Whitlam to revoke the restrictive immigration policies in 1973. Under internal and external pressure, the Australian government was faced with the question of whether the nation would populate or perish, and was subject to criticism for racial aspects of the immigration law by neighbouring nations, particularly Japan and India. The government responded this time to open its doors not only to English speaking immigrants but also to non-English speaking countries. This shift in policy created a different ethos. It opened up the possibility for a more culturally and ethnically diverse Australia. The present language of multiculturalism indeed depends on the changes brought about during this period. From a Korean perspective, the presence of a second and third wave of immigration was made possible by this legislation and the vision of ‘re-invention’ of Australia it assumed.
The second wave had its origins with the Koreans who had worked in Vietnam. Once again war was the factor. Those Koreans who worked in Vietnam began to enter Australia to avoid the war and the communist government. Many did not return to Korea but came to Australia to find a better future. Some overstayed their visas. Through the government amnesty in 1976, they and their immediate families in Korea were legally invited to settle in Australia, mainly in Sydney. The amnesty was available to all foreign nationals who had overstayed their visas and people who met the normal standard of health and good character were granted resident status. However, the Government also made it clear that “It will not be repeated” (The Age, 26/1/1976).
Coughlan sees that this initiates the second substantial wave of Korean immigration (Coughlan, 174). This amnesty encouraged many other Korean compatriots in Latin America, Asia and the Middle East to come to Australia hoping that they would also be given permanent visas to stay in Australia.
The first Korean Church in Melbourne in 1973 and Sydney in 1974 were established. During the 1970s and 80s, the role Korean churches played within the general Korean community were crucial. They played a major role in terms of providing not only spiritual support but also ethnic identity and community welfare. Christian or not, many Koreans came to a church on Sundays “to share news of Korea, information about employment and accommodation, and news of other people” (Brown, 266). The Korean churches provided a sense of fellowship for lonely immigrants and freedom from the pressure of speaking English. The Korean ministers often acted as counsellors, mediators, welfare workers, interpreters, guardians, friends, and even pick-up drivers. As the Korean community grew, other social groups have taken over these services, but the role of the church continues to exercise significant influence on the community.
Korean Buddhism in Australia has also actively promoted their cause and Korean culture and art since the development of the first temple, Hong Bub Sa, in 10 November, 1984 in Sydney. Since then, there have been a several Buddhist temples established including one in Melbourne and in Brisbane.
8. 1980s – Old Timers and Newcomers                                              
In 1980, the Government announced a six month Regularisation of Status Program which was known as another ‘amnesty’ and family reunions followed again. This ‘chain immigration’ significantly helped the Korean community grow. The Department of Immigration webpage states that ‘under amnesty arrangements available in 1976, and again in 1980, more than 500 Korean born visitors chose to change their status to permanent resident’ (2005). The official number of Korean-born persons in Australia in 1976 was 1,460, which rapidly reached 4,514 at the time of the 1981 Census.
Until the 1988 Olympics in Seoul Korea, the Korean Government restricted travel for its citizens. Nevertheless, Korean immigration to Australia steadily increased. Some arrived and overstayed their visas, hoping there would be another amnesty in the bi-centennial year in 1988; however, this time some had to return to Korea disappointed.
The major influx of Korean business immigrants to Australia started in 1987. The new immigration policy on business and skilled immigration attracted many wealthy and skilled immigrants not only to Sydney but to other large cities in Australia such as Melbourne and Brisbane. The government needed to boost its economy, giving permanent resident visas to highly skilled business owners, investors and senior executives to develop new or existing businesses. It also recruited highly skilled workers where an employer has been unable to fill their recruitment needs from the Australian labour market or through their own training efforts.
Unlike ‘amnesty migrants’, these immigrants came with a choice about where and how they lived in Australia. Many arrived to find better living conditions and educational opportunities for their children. As soon as they decided to stay in Australia, many were able to buy a house and enjoy life in Australia. This was a contrast to the previous generation of immigrants who had taken much longer to establish themselves.
However, Gil-Soo Han argues that these business migrants also struggled to engage in the kind of business they hoped; some suffered from psychological dissatisfaction and hardship. The lack of ability in English and an understanding of Australian society were the main contributing factors (Han: 1996, 85).
One interesting phenomenon at that time was the gap between the ‘old timers’ who came to Australia for survival and the ‘newcomers’ who came to Australia with greater resources. The ‘old timers’ saw the new migrants as ‘rich people who have little idea of what it is like to live as an immigrant’ (Han: 2001, 547) and in the same measure, the new immigrants saw the ‘old timers’ as ‘poor people who had to overstay to survive in a foreign land’. As time went by, this gap became less obvious as the old timers also became more established and there were other types of people in between the two groups. The number of Korean-born in Australia doubled from 9,285 at the time of the 1986 Census to 20,580 at the 1991 Census. During this period, according to the Department of Immigration, there was a substantial increase in settler arrivals, with an average of about 1,400 each year, many coming under the business and skilled migration categories. The number increased again to 30,091 in the 1996 Census.
9. 1990s – Coming of Students and Tourists
In the 1990s, Sydney became one of the most popular tourist destinations for Koreans with daily direct flights to and from Korea, encouraging many short term visitors to fly to Australia for leisure, work and study. Korean overseas students have been attracted to universities and language colleges in Sydney, Melbourne and Brisbane and now even to high schools. Many young people come to large cities to pursue their international experience and their parent(s) also come along to support them. Young working holidaymakers also take opportunities to work and travel in different parts of Australia and many of them particularly experience rural life as they financially support themselves by picking fruit or packing boxes.
Together with the tourist companies, the numerous overseas student agencies, restaurants, advertising companies and other service industries in downtown Sydney area have flourished contributing to the economy of the local Korean community. There were 11,270 Korean overseas students in 2002-2003 which increased 27.5% to 14,375 in 2003-2004. This is the second largest overseas student group after China.
In this decade, Koreans were expanding their relationship and the scope of life beyond their own community. Some people began to be actively involved in the local community and politics, and different social and business groups had a partner relationship and exchange visits with their counter part in Korea and in Australia, and with diaspora Koreans in other parts of the world. Koreans were still a minority and relatively invisible in Australian society but they began to make some influence on the mainstream through their daily and weekly newspapers and various social service groups. More frequent visits of the Government official leaders in both countries also assisted the mutual growing relationship.
In terms of residential location in Sydney, Redfern area since 1960s, Campsie area since 1970s-1980s, Strathfield area since 1980s-1990s, Eastwood area since 1990s, and Koreans now live in many parts of the metropolitan city and suburbs including Parramatta and Chatswood. Especially in Campsie, Strathfield and Eastwood, most business can be carried out in the Korean language alone.
In his conclusion on ‘Korean Immigrants in Australia’, Coughlan says “The overall youthfulness, high education and relative low unemployment rate of the Korean born community indicates that this community is making a worthwhile contribution to the economic development and social evolution of Australia, and that the community is largely economically independent of government welfare programs, considering that most of the community has settled in Australia since the mid-1980s” (194).
10. 2000s – Identity in Making
South Korea also plays an important role in the Australian economy. In
2004-2005, Korea was Australia’s fourth largest trading partner and more importantly Korea is Australia’s third largest export market. There is also an increased interest in Korean studies in Australia especially the study of culture and language. A number of universities in Sydney have now established Korean Departments to assist future bridge-builders between Australia and Korea. On the website of the Foreign Affairs and Trade Ministry of the Korean Government in early 2005, Australia is listed as the sixth country where 84,316 Korean compatriots live after China, USA, Japan, European Union, and Canada.
In the 2006 Australian Census, recorded 60,873 for the Republic of Korea as their birth place and among them 38,210 lives in Sydney. According to the 2006-2007 statistics, the preferred states to reside in for Koreans are Queensland and South Australia, and for the first time it shows a decrease of Korean settlement in NSW and Victoria due to the immigration policy. During the year, there has been 2,092 Koreans entered Australia with the permanent residency, which is a slight drop from 2,117 in 2005-2006.
However, these statistics do not illustrate the life experience of Australian-born Koreans. Little research has been done in this area. Perhaps it is too early to engage in such an activity but it is becoming impossible to ignore the existence of this significant community. In fact, the contribution of the second-generation to the Korean community and to Australian society in general is becoming more apparent. Among the 1.5 generation (those who came to Australia at a young age and have been influenced by both Australian and their parents’ culture) and second-generation Koreans, there are highly qualified professionals such as business entrepreneurs, journalists, doctors, lawyers, religious leaders, politicians, teachers, union and welfare workers. The bridge roles of these bilingual leaders in a multicultural society are an invaluable asset to the Korean community and the wider Australian community (Yang: 2005, 56-61).
11. Korean Identity in Australia
The identity of Koreans in Australia has been fluid and diverse. However, there are four groups in simple term, namely Koreans in Australia, Korean-Australians, Australian Full Stop, and ‘AustrAlien’. While these categories may also be applicable for other ethnic groups in Australia, it is more so for Koreans.
1) Koreans in Australia: Many pioneering and war affected first generation and 0.5 generation who came to Australia in their older age is belonging here. They live in the location of Australia but their every day life is fully Korean. The image is a tree in the pot moved to the Australian soil. Their general dream is to expand their business and the success of their children.
2) Korean-Australian: Among this group of people, it includes 1.5 generation, second generation and some first generation. This is the bridging and hyphenated generation, confident in living and working in the both cultures. The pot is broken and they are part of the Australian society and yet maintaining the Korean identity. The role of this group has been growing in the multicultural community.
3) Australian Full Stop: This group of Korean people wishes to be called ‘Australian’ full stop. They believe they are integrated into Australian society and do not see the need for a Korean identity. Some second and 1.5 generation, or even those among the first generation try to run away from anything to do with Korean. In fact, some are not able to relate with Koreans due to their loss of language and identity. The seed is planted in Australian land and grows.
4) ‘AustraAlien’: This is a joint word of Australian and Alien. This group of people does belong neither in Australia nor in Korea. They are drifting seeds and get together with other Asian drifting seeds and live on the margin. Among all the generation of first, 1.5 and second, this type of people can be found.
Like other citizens in the global world, Koreans in Australia have also been forming their multiple identities in the process of unsettlement, travel and resettlement, and connecting themselves with wider community in search for the better meaning of life.
REFERENCES

Brown, JP, ‘Birth of Early Korean Churches in Australia’, 30 Years Korean Ministry in Australia, UTC, 2004.

Coughlan, JE, ‘Korean Immigration in Australia’, Asian in Australia, Macmillan Education, 1997.

Han, GS, ‘Koreans’, Jupp J. (ed), The Australian People: An Encyclopedia of the Nation, Its people and Their Origins, Cambridge Uni Press, 2001.

Han, GS, ‘Korean Business Migrants in Australia’, Asian Migrant, Vol 9. No 3, 1996.

Jupp, J, From White Australia to Woomera, Cambridge Uni Press, 2002.
                          
Kerr, EA & Anderson, G, The Australian Presbyterian Mission in Korea 1889-1941, Sydney: Australian Presbyterian Board of Mission, 1970.

Kim, MS, ‘Koreans in Australia’, Jupp J. (ed), The Australian People: An Encyclopedia  of the Nation, Its people and Their Origins, Angus & Robertson, 1988.

Tavan, G, The Long, Slow Death of White Australia, Scribe Publications, 2005.
Yang, MD. & Pearson C. (ed), 30 Years Korean Ministry in Australia, UTC,       2004.

Yang, MD, ‘Who Celebrate the 50 Years? – Korean Immigration to Australia’, Christian Review, Nov, 2005.

Yang, MD, ‘Seouls on a Journey: Korean Diaspora in Australia’, Crossing Boarders, Sydney, UCA, 2006.

Copy Right Myong Duk Yang

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